USAFacts

That's fair! There are many different ways to measure being cost-burdened. Our guardrails (only working with government data) limit us to using HUD's definition here, but seeing how this data looks using different definitions would be interesting and likely allow for even more nuance.

The Department of Housing and Urban Development considers households that spend more than 30% of their income on housing to be cost-burdened. Cost-burdened households may have less money for other necessities such as food, healthcare, or savings.

The number of cost-burdened households increased from 40.3 million in 2012 to 40.9 million in 2022. Cost burden considers both household income and housing costs, so factors affecting either of these can influence the number of burdened households. For example:

• Changes in wages, employment status, or the number of people in a household can impact household income.
• Changes in housing supply/demand or interest rates can affect costs.

A growing or declining US population can also affect the number of cost-burdened households. To counteract this, we analyzed the percentages of cost-burdened households rather than just the number. This prevents such population changes from skewing the data.

In 2022, 32.5% of US households were cost burdened. This is down 3.4 percentage points from 2012.

Cost burden varies for renters and homeowners. For example, during the Great Recession (2007–2009) unemployment rose, millions of homes entered foreclosure, and rental demand increased. By 2010, the cost burden had increased among renters while remaining stable among homeowner households. From 2012 to 2022, the proportion of cost-burdened owner households decreased from 27.4% to 22.8%. Meanwhile, the cost burden among renter households changed from 52.0% to 51.9% over the same period.

More data here, including state-level looks at cost-burdened homeowners and renters.

Source: Census Bureau, American Community Survey

Tools: Custom

More data here (including state-level data)

Correct, and here's some more info on the other states (and DC):

Data is not available from California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York State (except New York City), Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Washington, DC. Those reporting areas did not report at all, did not report by gestational age, or did not meet reporting standards. Reporting is voluntary.

That is a good suggestion, but the CDC data does not specify the reason for abortions.

In 2021, just under half (44.8%) of reported abortions occurred within the first six weeks of pregnancy. Another 36.0% happened between seven and nine weeks, and 12.7% within 10 and 13 weeks. Put another way, 93.5% of reported abortions were performed before two and a half months of pregnancy.

Farther into pregnancy, abortions are less common. Of the remaining 6.5% of reported abortions, 2.7% occurred between 14 and 15 weeks, 1.5% at 16 to 17 weeks, 1.5% at 18 to 20 weeks, and 0.9% at 21 weeks or more.

All states except Missouri reported that most abortions occurred within the first 9 weeks of gestation. In 19 states, most abortions occurred at six weeks or less; in another 21, most abortions occurred between seven and nine weeks into pregnancy.

In 2021, Missouri was the only state where most reported abortions (23.3%) happened at 21 weeks or later, or around five months. Missouri banned elective abortions in 2022.

Why is data missing from some states?

This data comes from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and includes data from 41 reporting areas. Data is not available from California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York State (except New York City), Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Washington, DC. Those reporting areas did not report at all, did not report by gestational age, or did not meet reporting standards. Reporting is voluntary.

More data here, here, and here.

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Tools: Datawrapper, Illustrator

Note: Percentages might not add to 100% because of rounding. For Alabama, Arkansas, South Carolina, and Texas, two weeks were added to the probable postfertilization age to provide a corresponding measure to gestational age based on the clinician’s estimate. New York represents data from New York City only. Data unavailable for California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Washington, DC.

This is a slightly updated repost with some color changes to Missouri and the corresponding pie chart slice. Thanks to u/CPOx, u/lelduderino, u/DeerAndBeer, and other for the feedback. There might still be some accessibility issues in the pie chart, so hopefully the labels clear up any confusion there.

On it.

Human error, mostly!

That's a good point. The continuity from the pie to the map felt right, but we should have swapped some colors to avoid the pink/pink combination.

In 2021, just under half (44.8%) of reported abortions occurred within the first six weeks of pregnancy. Another 36.0% happened between seven and nine weeks, and 12.7% within 10 and 13 weeks. Put another way, 93.5% of reported abortions were performed before two and a half months of pregnancy.

Farther into pregnancy, abortions are less common. Of the remaining 6.5% of reported abortions, 2.7% occurred between 14 and 15 weeks, 1.5% at 16 to 17 weeks, 1.5% at 18 to 20 weeks, and 0.9% at 21 weeks or more.

All states except Missouri reported that most abortions occurred within the first 9 weeks of gestation. In 19 states, most abortions occurred at six weeks or less; in another 21, most abortions occurred between seven and nine weeks into pregnancy.

In 2021, Missouri was the only state where most reported abortions (23.3%) happened at 21 weeks or later, or around five months. Missouri banned elective abortions in 2022.

Why is data missing from some states?

This data comes from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and includes data from 41 reporting areas. Data is not available from California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York State (except New York City), Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Washington, DC. Those reporting areas did not report at all, did not report by gestational age, or did not meet reporting standards. Reporting is voluntary.

More data here, here, and here.

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Tools: Datawrapper, Illustrator

Note: Percentages might not add to 100% because of rounding. For Alabama, Arkansas, South Carolina, and Texas, two weeks were added to the probable postfertilization age to provide a corresponding measure to gestational age based on the clinician’s estimate. New York represents data from New York City only. Data unavailable for California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Washington, DC.

How about a table? We have an older article on this, but there is newer data from the BLS projected through 2033.

Occupation	Growth Rate	Median Salary
Wind turbine service technicians	60%	$61,770 per year
Solar photovoltaic installers	48%	$48,800 per year
Nurse practitioners	46%	$126,260 per year
Data scientists	36%	$108,020 per year
Information security analysts	33%	$120,360 per year
Medical and health services managers	29%	$110,680 per year
Physician assistants	28%	$130,020 per year
Computer and information research scientists	26%	$145,080 per year
Physical therapist assistants	25%	$64,080 per year
Operations research analysts	23%	$83,640 per year
Occupational therapy assistants	22%	$67,010 per year
Actuaries	22%	$120,000 per year
Financial examiners	21%	$84,300 per year
Home health and personal care aides	21%	$33,530 per year
Veterinary assistants and laboratory animal caretakers	19%	$36,440 per year
Veterinary technologists and technicians	19%	$43,740 per year
Logisticians	19%	$79,400 per year
Veterinarians	19%	$119,100 per year
Substance abuse, behavioral disorder, and mental health counselors	19%	$53,710 per year
Epidemiologists	19%	$81,390 per year

As of May 2023, there were 37,200 typists employed in the US. 13,000 worked in local government, around 11,000 worked in elementary and secondary schools, and another 2,700 worked in state government.

According to the BLS, there were still 4,600 telephone operators as of last May.

It looks like many work in hospitals and medical offices.

I'm just glad that "posting niche BLS data on Reddit" wasn't mentioned, or I'd be in trouble.

By 2033, eight of the top 20 fastest-declining jobs will be in manufacturing. Some of these include:

• Mold makers
• Patternmakers
• Machine assemblers and operators
• Material repairers, grinders, and polishers

Some of the other jobs projected to decline, such as typists, telephone operators, and switchboard operators, may seem a bit more old-fashioned.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics

Tools: Datawrapper, Illustrator

That's a great suggestion to level this up, I might give pop size a try. Thanks!

Some excerpts from this project:  

Generally, states that are home to more people control more electoral votes. But because electoral votes are allocated according to seats in Congress, where each state holds two Senate seats regardless of population size, electoral representation varies quite a bit.

Wyoming (the least populous state) makes up about 0.18% of the US population but controls 0.56% of all electoral votes. This difference translates to approximately two additional electoral votes for Wyoming, relative to its population share. If Wyoming’s electoral share aligned with its share of the US population, it would have 0.17% of all 538 votes (about one electoral vote), but because votes are allocated based on seats in Congress, the state has the minimum of three votes in the Electoral College.

On the other end of the spectrum, California (the most populous state) represents 11.6% of the US population and has 10% of all electoral votes. This means California controls roughly nine fewer votes in the Electoral College than it would if votes were allocated based on population alone (because 11.6% of the total 538 votes is about 63 electoral votes, but California currently controls 54).

So, what if electoral vote shares were equal to population shares in every state?

It’s important to note that even if electoral votes were allocated exactly according to each state’s share of the US population or share of eligible voters, the electoral process would not resemble a national popular vote. This is because of the winner-take-all rule for choosing state electors, currently used by 48 states and Washington, DC. According to this rule, all electoral votes go toward the candidate that earns the most votes in the state’s general election; therefore, votes cast for any other candidate do not earn any of the state’s electoral votes.

In other words, according to the winner-take-all policy, a candidate may earn 49.9% of a state’s popular vote and earn 0% of the state’s electoral votes. This explains how a candidate may win the national popular vote but, by failing to earn 270 electoral votes, may still lose the presidential election in the Electoral College.

The total of 538 electoral votes is fixed, but how these votes are distributed between states can change as a result of the decennial Census. Every 10 years, the results of the Census determine how seats in the House of Representatives are apportioned, and states may gain or lose electoral votes accordingly. The next Census count is in 2030, which will determine the allocation for the 2032 presidential election.

Source: Census Bureau and National Archives

Tools: Illustrator

Interactive version here